On November 8, 2024, a seven-judge bench of the Supreme Court overruled the 1967 S. Azeez Basha vs Union of India case, which had held that Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) could not be considered a minority institution. The factual determination of the minority character of AMU has now been left to a smaller bench.

The AMU unit of the Fraternity Movement – the students’ wing of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind’s (JHI) political outfit Welfare Party of India (WFI), has released a curious statement entitled “AMU Will Remain a Muslim Institution”. It says:

"Aligarh Muslim University was/is a clear manifestation of Muslimness in India. It had an intrinsic history of being the holistic representation of the Muslim Community in the country. The establishment of this Institution was solely focused on enforcing Muslim Subjectivity and widening the scope of the Islamic Knowledge system for the people.

"Regardless of the colonial project to delimit the political horizons, Aligarh as a movement broke the frames that were instilled by orientalist time sense. The question of Muslimness in this particular juncture plays a very crucial role while the earlier legal challenges were orchestrated to curtail Muslimness in the historical formation of AMU."

What first catches the eye is the remark that “AMU Will Remain a Muslim Institution,” not a “minority” institution. The adjective “Muslim” is embedded in a chain of capitalized terms: “Muslimness,” “Muslim Community,” “Muslim Subjectivity,” and “Islamic Knowledge”.

The capitalization is meant to convey the resplendent importance that attaches to these words. This importance is characterized in a theological manner:

“We believe that the legal reasonings and argumentations on the minority status have a lacuna of articulating theological notions which should be taken forth by the futural fights bounding to this”.

In other words, the legal discourse of “minority” should be replaced by the capitalized, theological discourse of “Muslimness”.

The theological outlook of the Fraternity Movement isn’t surprising. Given its linkage with JIH, it is natural that it will borrow the religious vocabulary of the latter. According to JIH:

“Reducing religion to just a private matter is unwanted audacity. The position of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind is that this concept is not only antithetical to Islam but also would be quite oppressive for people of India, the vast majority of who believe in spiritual and religious values, to prohibit them from following the guidance offered by religion and impose irreligiousness on them instead.”

Here, we once again encounter the grandiloquent voice of the religious practitioner, who regards any breach of their theological domain as an exercise of “unwanted audacity”.

Religion is naturalized as a desirable good, whose possession has to be maintained at all costs. In fact, when Muslims are in a dominant position, Syed Jalaluddin Umri, former president of JIH, advised them to establish an "Islamic state" and be governed by the laws of Sharia.

But is religion really that desirable?

This question is not explored by self-assured theologians. This same sentiment of self-assuredness is to be found in the AMU Fraternity Movement’s declaration that there exists a unified and capitalized “Muslimness” requiring prioritization.

Does the issue of minority status really concern the ability of students to protect their “Muslim Subjectivity,” or “Islamic Knowledge”?

Put in more mundane terms, this would mean that the entire debate over AMU’s status pertains to the Muslim youth’s right to recite Quranic verses in the university premises. This seems more like the theologian’s dream, rather than a socially and economically disadvantaged student’s wish.

The Supreme Court’s judgment is correct in noting that what is primary in the determination of the minority character of an institution is not the “existence of a religious place for prayer and worship” or “the existence of religious symbols” but the objective of providing “benefit” to “a religious or linguistic minority community”. This means that “educational institutions could be established for minorities to provide secular education without imparting any lessons on religion”.

What the above demonstrates is that religious instruction or symbolism, which the Fraternity Movement fancily labels as “Muslim Subjectivity,” isn’t the core of a minority institution. AMU can benefit Indian Muslims without teaching theology. It is incumbent upon theologically minded entities to show why religious knowledge is a necessary part of empowerment.

Instead of regarding Indian Muslims as a theological category, one should follow BR Ambedkar in analyzing “religious affiliation” solely in terms of the “intense degree of social separation and discrimination” that it effects upon the minority groups.

What matters is not the doctrinal distinction between different religious groups but the actual “social discrimination” that marks their relationships. Insofar as Muslims in India are characterized by “social separation,” they are entitled to demand special measures from the government that can alleviate their oppression.

According to senior advocate Mihir Desai, since the founding of the Indian Republic, the Supreme Court has adopted a religion-centric criteria for determining the minority status, or otherwise, of an institution. The determination of the minority status of an institution should be based on whether it is being run for the benefit of the minority, and not whether it is established and administered by a minority. This concern with an institute’s identitarian origins rather than substantive policy dynamics has attached the question of minority status to the political principle of protecting cultural identity, to the exclusion of the social principle of backwardness related to issues of justice and equity.

The obsession with cultural identity leads to a regressive politics. Once an individual has their mind trained on the sanctity of “Muslimness,” it becomes difficult for them to comprehend the social inequalities that accrue due to this fixation. The JIH, for instance, declares:

“Homosexuality strikes at the very root of family and society. It is an immoral and unnatural act of perversion, which not only prevents procreation and progress of human race, but also destroys the family system and social relations”.

While reading this confident, clear-cut declaration, one can’t help but remember the case of Ramchandra Siras, a poet and Professor of Marathi Literature at AMU, who faced murderous persecution due to his homosexuality. On February 8, 2010, two individuals broke into Siras’ home and filmed him in bed with another man. Following this incident, Siras was suspended from his position for “gross misconduct”. However, the courts ruled against the university. Tragically, on April 8 of the same year, Siras died under mysterious circumstances at his residence, just a day before he received the official letter cancelling his suspension.

When it comes to women, the JIH thinks that “co-education should be abolished and proper education facilities meant for only women only should be available at all level of education.” While they are segregated from men, they should wear clothes that are “sober and dignified”.

Faced with reactions that this amounted to moral policing, Umri clarified that the organization merely wanted women to wear dresses that “cover the body”. The inane logic governing this argument isn’t hard to spot: since female flesh incites male lust, women should be caged in segregated spaces where their entire body is draped in the holiness of modesty.

Faithfully following the patriarchal script, JIH never questions why men get aroused so easily that they start raping women. All the responsibility is placed on the female victim. Given the hierarchical attitudes that religious consciousness leads to, the AMU Fraternity Movement needs to consider if it really wants to pigeonhole the issue of minority status into the rusty confines of theology.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court of India Tuesday Nov 5, 2024 set aside the Allahabad High Court verdict calling the Uttar Pradesh Madarsa Board unconstitutional.

In a ruling on March 22, 2024, the the Allahabad High Court had declared the Uttar Pradesh Board of Madarsa Education Act, 2004, 'unconstitutional'.

The Supreme Court of India however in its latest judgement has set aside the Allahabad High Court order.

A Bench of Chief Justice of India (CJI) DY Chandrachud with Justices JB Pardiwala and Manoj Misra said that a law can be struck down for violation of fundamental rights under part III of the Constitution or on grounds of legislative competence but not for violation of basic structure.

"Statute can be struck down only for violation of part III or legislative competence and not for violating basic structure. The High Court erred in holding that statute had to struck down for violating basic structure," the Supreme Court said.

It also held that the object of the Act is to protect the rights of minorities which is in tune with the State's positive obligation.

"The legislative scheme for the Act is to standardise level of education being prescribed in the madrasas. The Madarsa Act does not interfere with the day to day working of the madrasas. It is to protect the rights of minority in the State of Uttar Pradesh and is consistent with positive obligation of the State which ensures the students to pass out and earn a decent living," the Court held.

However, the Court set aside provisions of the Act which empowers the Madarsa Board to prescribe course of instructions and text books for higher education - kamil (postgraduate course) and fazil (junior research programme).

The Court held that the same would be in violation of the University Grants Commission Act (UGC Act).

"Victory for Justice"

Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind has hailed the SC order, calling it a "victory for justice" and a "much-needed light at the end of the tunnel" for the Indian Muslim community.

Jamia President Maulana Mahmood Madani commenting on the SC ruling said that this goes beyond addressing the technical status of the Madrasa Board.

"The ruling serves as a critical response to ongoing "negative campaigns" against madrasas by certain communal forces", he said.

According to a rough estimate, Uttar Pradesh has about 25,000 Madaris spread across its length and breadth. Around 16,500 of them are registered with the UP Madrasa Board.

Reliance on Madrasa education is often blamed for the backwardness of the community. But the truth is that many Muslim children go to Madaris out of compulsion. If it were not for these Madaris run by religious charities, these children would never get any 'education'.

Same applies to non-Muslim students. As India, including Uttar Pradesh, fails to provide schools to children living in remote areas, they have no option but to get themselves enrolled in these Madaris.

Interestingly, a number of Hindus after graduating from Madaris are also working in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries on lucrative posts.

Unlike the popular myth, the Madaris are not providing religious education alone. In fact, the Uttar Pradesh cabinet headed by Yogi Adityanath had in 2008 accepted State Madrasa Board's proposal to teach English and Hindi languages besides Urdu in the Islamic institutions.

The cabinet also approved the proposal of following NCERT syllabus and books in the Madaris.

Whether it's a deep red silk Banarasi saree adorned with gleaming golden zari or a statement dupatta elevating a simple kurta set, a Banarasi creation can instantly make you look festive-ready with its regal appeal.

In recent years, Banarasi has made a return to menswear in a plethora of ways – kurtas, safas, shawls, bandhgalas, and sherwanis. Contrary to the common misconception, Banarasi was not limited to women's wardrobes. During the Mughal era, when the Banarasi weave rose to prominence, emperors wore garments crafted using this exquisite traditional technique.

Banarasi goes bolder

Now, Banarasi is undergoing another makeover, this time through a wave of Westernisation. Think of Banarasi in modish silhouettes like corsets, tops, pantsuits, and even short dresses.

 

Models in modern Banarasi skirts designed by Monisha Jaising.

"Banarasi has long been celebrated for sarees, dupattas, and kurta sets, but today's shift towards modern silhouettes is making it a global statement," says Khushi Shah, creative director of the label Shanti Banaras. The label, known for its authentic Banarasi handloom creations, is all set to venture into contemporary designs that appeal to a diverse, international clientele with their upcoming collection.

esigner Aditi Gupta, whose creations are available at Carma Ambawatta, believes that this shift is more about innovation than Westernisation, and the younger generation is to be credited for this refreshing version of the Banarasi technique.

"Today's shoppers, especially the younger generation, are looking for pieces that blend heritage with functionality. They want garments that make a statement but also reflect their individuality and contemporary style. As a result, we're seeing more demand for unique interpretations of Banarasi in experimental silhouettes, whether for festive wear or everyday luxury," Gupta tells India Today.

Fresh off the runway

While the Banarasi techniques remain rooted in age-old traditions in these new designer creations, the silhouette is reimagined with a contemporary touch. This modernisation trend was also evident at Lakme Fashion Week 2024, with an array of designers giving the traditional textile a fresh face.

Take, for instance, designer Monisha Jaising's collection, which featured a range of Banarasi high-slit and asymmetrical skirts paired with dazzling blouses. Riddhima Kapoor Sahni, who turned showstopper for the designer, also walked the ramp in a strapless Banarasi gown. Moreover, the designer herself appeared in a sleeveless Banarasi crop top for the final bow.

 

Monisha Jaising (left) with Riddhima Kapoor Sahni at Lakme Fashion Week 2024.

Delhi-based designer Amit Aggarwal, known for his innovative creations, has also championed the modern makeover of Banarasi. His new collection, called The Banarasi Edit, is all about upcycling Banarasi textiles with modern interpretations of traditional draping styles.

Several celebrities, like Priyanka Chopra, Kriti Sanon, and Saba Azad, gave this trend a thumbs up at the inauguration of the Nita Mukesh Ambani Cultural Centre in Mumbai last year. They rocked various versions of Banarasi gowns at the fashion extravaganza.

 

Priyanka Chopra, Kriti Sanon and Saba Azad in modern Banarasi sarees at NMACC fashion gala.

And this trend is all set to soar further this year as more designers continue playing with Banarasi to create ensembles beyond the usual sarees and lehengas. Gaurika Rai of the textile label Warp n Weft unveiled a new collection in collaboration with House of Asra, celebrating modern women of traditional India with Banarasi mini dresses, maxi dresses, and corsets.

 

A striking blazer vest from Ekaya Banaras X 431-88 collection crafted from handwoven Banarasi silk.

"Naturally, people are always eager for something new, and it's time to introduce a fresh fashion statement that redefines traditional spaces—one that upholds the authenticity of exquisite Banarasi textiles while embracing a modern allure. Launching a Western-inspired collection caters to those seeking more than the classic saree, suit, lehenga, gharara, or floor-length skirt for special occasions," says Gaurika Rai, CEO, Warp 'n Weft.

 

Banarasi dresses from Warp 'n Weft X House of Asra collection.

Banarasi jumpsuits, trousers, and pantsuits are further adding the allure of Banarasi weaves to everyday wear. Simply wear a crisp white shirt with Banarasi brocade pants and pair it with basic heels—you can effortlessly take this look to work.

 

Banarasi brocade sets from GG by Asha Gautam (left and right), and Tarun Tahiliani (centre)

"These new silhouettes enhance the versatility of Banarasi textiles and open doors for international markets. By doing so, the Banaras weaving cluster also gains new opportunities to grow and thrive. When approached with respect for the craftsmanship and original weaving techniques, these designs can bridge generations, celebrating heritage while evolving to meet modern tastes," adds Nishant Malhotra, CEO and founder, WeaverStory.

Though the timeless appeal of Banarasi sarees and lehengas is untouchable, if modern elegance is what defines your style, you should certainly consider adding a Banarasi modern touch to your wardrobe this wedding season.

Seizing on Oza's claims, AAP leader and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal tweeted, "If it is true, it reveals real face of BJP-Modi-Shah".

Amidst the backdrop of these developments, a crucial meeting is scheduled in Delhi on July 27th. This meeting aims to address the ongoing unrest within the state's political and administrative framework. Here are ten key points outlining the current situation in UP:

1. Maurya’s Strategic Meetings

Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya has intensified political speculations by meeting with significant allies, including Om Prakash Rajbhar, the President of the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party, and Sanjay Nishad, the President of the Nishad Party. These meetings are seen as strategic moves, potentially indicating shifts in political alliances.

2. Absence in Yogi’s Meeting

On July 22, 2024, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath held a meeting in Azamgarh, notably missing was Om Prakash Rajbhar. Instead, Rajbhar met with Maurya in Lucknow, further fueling political speculation. Their meeting, which lasted for hours, went viral on social media, showing the deepening political discussions between them.

3. Meeting with Sanjay Nishad

Maurya’s recent interaction with Sanjay Nishad has added to the political intrigue. The meeting lasted for about half an hour, sparking various interpretations regarding its significance. Additionally, Maurya has also met with Dara Singh Chauhan, further hinting at possible political re-alignments.

4. Emerging Fissures Post-Lok Sabha Results

Internal rifts within the UP BJP have become apparent since the Lok Sabha election results. Maurya’s absence from cabinet meetings since June 4 and his frequent visits to Delhi to meet top leaders suggest underlying tensions with Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath.

5. Transfers Amid Turmoil

The Yogi government has executed significant transfers of bureaucrats amid the political turbulence. On Wednesday, a dozen PCS officers were transferred, indicating an administrative shake-up aimed at consolidating control and ensuring effective governance.

6. Key Bureaucratic Reassignments

Notable reassignments include Siddharth being appointed as the new ADM FR of Kanpur, Manglesh Dubey as ADM Administration of Noida, and Vimal Kishore Gupta as ADM Judicial of Meerut. Such reassignments are seen as efforts to streamline administrative functions amidst political uncertainties.

7. IAS Officers Transferred

Alongside PCS officers, three IAS officers were also transferred. Prerna Singh was appointed as ACEO of Greater Noida, Sudhir Kumar as Municipal Commissioner of Kanpur, and Deeksha Jain as CDO of Kanpur Nagar. These changes reflect the government's attempt to stabilize the administrative framework.

8. Previous Transfers

Just two days prior, on Monday, three other IAS officers were transferred. Manoj Kumar was appointed as Additional Commissioner of Bareilly Division, Shailesh Kumar was given additional charge as RFC, and Dr. Akhilesh Kumar Mishra was made Joint Election Commissioner in Lucknow. These continuous transfers highlight ongoing administrative adjustments.

9. Upcoming Meeting on 27th July

The internal conflicts within UP BJP have prompted a high-level meeting in Delhi on July 27th, following the Governing Council meeting of NITI Aayog. This meeting, expected to be attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other central leaders, aims to address the political unrest in UP.

10. Potential Organizational Changes

Speculations are rife about possible organizational changes within the UP BJP. The party’s top leadership, including BJP President JP Nadda and Home Minister Amit Shah, is likely to meet with UP's top leaders, including Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, to discuss strategies to resolve internal conflicts and enhance party cohesion.

Context of the Meeting

Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath's meeting in Delhi is significant, occurring just days before the monsoon session of the state legislature begins on July 29. Discussions are expected to focus on addressing the dissatisfaction within the government and among party workers, aiming to ensure unity and effective governance.

The farmer leaders may request Gandhi to introduce a private member bill addressing their long-standing demands, newswire ANI reported citing sources.

Leaders from the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (Non-Political) and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha on Monday announced their intentions to burn effigies of the Modi government nationwide and initiate a fresh protest demanding the legalisation of the minimum support price (MSP) guarantee.

This protest will include a "long march" in support of private bills proposed by the opposition. This announcement was made during a press conference in Delhi.

Furthermore, the protesting farmers will conduct a tractor rally across the nation on August 15, coinciding with Independence Day. They also plan to burn copies of the new criminal laws.

During the press conference, leaders from the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (Non-Political) and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha also mentioned that the farmers' 'Delhi Chalo' march will reach its 200-day mark on August 31, and urged people to gather at Khanauri, Shambhu, and other locations on the Punjab and Haryana border.

They also announced that both organizations will hold a mega rally in Sambhal district, Uttar Pradesh, on September 1. Additional rallies are scheduled in Jind district, Haryana, on September 15, 2024, and in Pipli on September 22, 2024.

Back in February, the second wave of the farmers' protest began to demand a legal guarantee of MSP for crops, but the farmers were stopped at the Haryana borders for several days as the state government set up barricades on the Ambala-New Delhi National Highway in response to farmers' unions announcing a march to Delhi.

In a move that will impact millions of taxpayers, the Indian government has raised the standard deduction under the new tax regime from Rs 30,000 to Rs 75,000. This change is expected to result in a substantial saving of Rs 17,500 for eligible taxpayers, aiming to provide more disposable income and stimulate spending.

New Tax RegimeUnder the new tax regime, income up to Rs 3 lakh will be exempt from tax. For income between Rs 3 lakh and Rs 7 lakh, the tax rate will be 5%. Income ranging from Rs 7 lakh to Rs 10 lakh will be taxed at 10%, while income between Rs 10 lakh and Rs 12 lakh will attract a 15% tax rate. For those earning between Rs 12 lakh and Rs 15 lakh, the tax rate will be 20%.

Old Tax Regime

This marks a departure from the previous tax regime, where income up to Rs 5 lakh was tax-free. Under the old slabs, income from Rs 5 lakh to Rs 7.5 lakh was taxed at 10%, from Rs 7.5 lakh to Rs 10 lakh at 15%, from Rs 10 lakh to Rs 12.5 lakh at 20%, and from Rs 12.5 lakh to Rs 15 lakh at 25%.

Securities Transaction Tax (STT) HikeThe Modi government has also announced that Securities Transaction Tax (STT) has been doubled from 0.1% to 0.2%. This increase also extends to Futures & Options (F&Os), with the STT on futures set to rise to 0.02% and on options to 0.01%. These adjustments are likely to affect traders and investors, potentially leading to higher transaction costs in the financial markets.

Simplified Capital Gains TaxationCapital gains taxation is set to undergo a major overhaul. Short-term capital gains will now be taxed at a flat rate of 20%, while long-term capital gains (LTCG) will be reduced to 12.5% for certain assets.

According to NASSCOM’s "State of Data Science & AI Skills in India" report, there is a significant 51% gap between the demand and supply of AI and machine learning (ML) talent in India. To address this gap, Vellore Institute of Technology (VIT), Bangalore, has launched its Data Science and AI Programme.

This 16-week online programme is designed for early-career professionals seeking a robust understanding of Python, data science, and foundational machine learning and generative AI concepts. It also caters to mid-level managers who aim to apply these skills to their data science, ML, and AI projects, equipping them with the expertise needed to thrive in a fast-evolving digital environment.

VIT’s programme aims to develop AI-powered data scientists by integrating open-source libraries like Pandas and Matplotlib into the curriculum. Participants will master Python, an essential language in the industry, and gain proficiency in AI techniques and machine learning algorithms. These skills will enable them to solve real-world challenges and harness the potential of data effectively.

The demand for data science professionals is rising, with jobs in this field growing by 34% for those with two to five years of experience, according to the 2023 Analytics and Data Science Jobs report. Additionally, Grand View Research forecasts that the global AI market will reach unprecedented levels by 2030, further increasing the need for data science expertise. VIT Bangalore’s programme offers a blend of theoretical knowledge and practical application, focusing on industry-relevant skills and tools.

The Data Science and AI Programme includes comprehensive modules on machine learning algorithms, supervised and unsupervised learning, and time series analysis. Delivered by VIT Bangalore’s expert faculty, the programme features both recorded and live sessions, an industry-focused curriculum, hands-on Jupyter notebook exercises, real-world case studies, and live interactive masterclasses on Generative AI. The course is priced at INR 50,000 plus applicable taxes, making it an accessible option for many.

Participants will gain:

- A thorough understanding of Python and its applications in data science and ML

- Skills to manipulate and visualize data for actionable insights

- Knowledge of machine learning techniques and applications

- Practical experience applying tools and frameworks to industry scenarios

Insight into Generative AI, including GANs, VAEs, and synthetic data creation

- Hands-on experience with Python functions, data science packages, data analysis, visualization, and exploratory data analysis (EDA)

The programme starts on September 30, 2024, and offers a certificate of completion from VIT Bangalore upon achieving a minimum grade of 70%.

The report by Vote For Democracy alleged that the manipulation led to 11 constituencies in Maharashtra having been won by the NDA through the hike of votes.

Vote For Democracy, a civil society organisation of activists from different organisations, released a report on ‘Conduct of Lok Sabha Elections 2024’, analysing vote manipulation and misconduct during voting and counting in the recent parliamentary elections. The report raised serious concerns about the discrepancies between the total votes polled and total votes counted in the election, along with the hike in the turnout percentages by the Election Commission of India (ECI).

The numerical analysis of the election results and voter turnout percentage conducted by Vote For Democracy claimed a cumulative hike in votes from initial turnout figures to final turnout figures of 4,65,46,885 votes in the seven phases, increased at a rate of 3.2% to 6.32% across constituencies. It highlighted that the difference in vote percentage is a staggering 12.54% in Andhra Pradesh and 12.48% in Odisha. The report claimed that the subsequent hike in voter turnout has disproportionately benefited the ruling regime.

The report alleged that the unprecedented vote percentage increase translated into 79 seats for the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance across the country. This included 18 seats in Odisha, 11 in Maharashtra, 10 in West Bengal, 7 in Andhra Pradesh, 6 in Karnataka, 5 each in Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan, 3 each in Bihar, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Telangana, 2 in Assam and 1 each in Arunachal Pradesh Gujarat and Kerala.

Sebastian Morris, retired professor at IIM Ahmedabad and a member of Independent Panel For Monitoring India’s Elections, said, “In these 79 constituencies, the winning margin is very low in comparison to the increase in votes. The pattern in these seats say that the difference is too large, the change comes after a long time and it is seen in the constituencies which saw tough fights. I think there is a very strong bias which is revealed here.”With the release of the report, around 25 civil society organisations issued a notice to the ECI demanding inquiry into the alleged irregularities, vote manipulation, spurious injection of votes and violations of the Model Code of Conduct. The notice sought explanation on the appointment of the election commissioner in partiality, registration and counting manipulation, illogical and chaotic scheduling of election, complaints of not providing Form 17C to the voting agents and delay in releasing voter turnout.Teesta Setalvad from Vote For Democracy said, “Maharashtra has the second highest numbers of seats which saw huge hikes in initial and final voter turnout. The conduct of the election commission was very suspicious on the day of polling as well as counting. We are assuming that this hike is done purposely as the law concerned about the appointment of the election commissioner was amended very partially.”

On Friday, Uttar Pradesh governor Anandiben Patel officially designated the area surrounding Lucknow as the Uttar Pradesh State Capital Region.

The newly formed SCR comprises the districts Lucknow, Hardoi, Sitapur, Unnao, Rae Bareli and Barabanki with a total area of 27,826 square km, reported news agency PTI.

UP State Capital Region

The UP State Capital Region comprising Lucknow, Hardoi, Sitapur, Unnao, Rae Bareli and Barabanki, is formed keeping in mind the population pressure on the capital city, said chief minister Yogi Adityanath who initiated this project in September 2022.

With an increased population in the state capital and surrounding districts there is an emphasis on complaints about unplanned development. According to Yogi Aditynath, this decisions is being taken keeping in mind future requirements for development.

According to 2011 Census, Lucknow has a population of 4,589,838, Bardoi has a population of 4,092,845, Sitapur has a population of 4,483,992, Unnao has population of 3,108,367, Rae Bareli has a population of 3,405,559 and Barabanki has a population of 3,260,699. Combining 6 districts together, SCR will have a population of nearly 23 lakh people.

As per 2011 numbers, Lucknow has a population density 1816 per sq kilometres which is more than twice the state population density (829 per sq km). Lucknow's population density is the third highest in the state following Ghaziabad (part of Delhi NCR) with 3971 people per sq km and Varanasi with 2395 people per sq km.

“People from different cities want to come here and make their permanent residence. The population pressure is also increasing in the surrounding districts and many a times complaints of unplanned development are also received. In such a situation, keeping in view the future requirements, 'Uttar Pradesh State Capital Region' should be formed on the lines of National Capital Region (NCR),” CM Yogi said, reported PTI.

The state cabinet on March 6, had approved the draft for the developing a State Capital Region surrounding Lucknow.

UP-SCRDA

On Friday, UP Governor Anandiben Patel approved the establishment of Uttar Pradesh State Capital Region Development Authority (UP-SCRDA) and the Housing and Urban Planning Department issued the notification.

This declaration came under the powers vested in subsection (1) of Section 3 of the Uttar Pradesh State Capital Region and Other Regions Development Authority Ordinance, 2024 (UP Ordinance 4 of 2024).

The UP-SCRDA with its headquarters in Lucknow will be helmed by the UP CM and will have the chief secretary of the state as the vice-chairman. Other members of the Development Authority include Additional Chief Secretary Housing and Urban Planning, Divisional Commissioners of Lucknow and Ayodhya, District Magistrates of all the concerned districts, Vice-Chairmen of Lucknow, Unnao-Shuklaganj and Rae Bareli Development Authorities among others, reported PTI.

The team consists of more than three dozen members including head of the departments from the housing, revenue, urban development, finance, environment, rural development, irrigation, public works, transport, agriculture, tourism and chief town planner, reported TOI.

The authority is expected to have a wider jurisdiction to promote economic growth in the state and would work with the objective of improving the infrastructure of the towns within its scope by convincing the Centre.

Formed on lines of NCR

NCR as notified covers the whole of National Capital Territory-Delhi and certain districts of Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan, covering an area of about 55,083 sq km, according to the National Capital Regional Planning Board official website.

Delhi had a population growth rate of 52.44%, 52.91%, 52.98%, 51.45% and 47.03% during 1951-61, 1961-71, 1971-81 and 1991-01 decades due to a spurt in migrants moving into the Delhi from adjacent states leading to congestion and shortage of civic amenities, according to the National Capital Regional Planning Board official website. This made congestion and scarcity of amenities made it imperative for “planning Delhi in the regional context”, according to the official website.

In 1985, National Capital Region Planning Board Act was enacted by the Parliament, with the concurrence of the participating States of Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. An NCR Planning Board was thus constituted.

Other states with a capital region development authority

In 2014, Andhra Pradesh formed a Andhra Pradesh Capital Region Development Authority under the The Andhra Pradesh Capital Region Development Authority (APCRDA) Act, 2014 with an aim to extend Andhra Pradesh Capital Region from the existing 7068.20 sq km to 8352.69 sq km. The Capital Region aimed to include Amaravati as its capital and the two nodal urban centres of Vijayawada and Guntur following the the AP Re-Organization Act in 2014. In 2020, APCRDA was dissolved and set up the Amaravati Metropolitan Development Area (AMRDA) in its place.

In 2016, then Assam chief minister Sarbananda Sonowal announced to create Assam state capital region development authority to bring in infrastructural growth to all areas adjoining the city. In 2017, the state formed an SCR comprising the districts of Kamrup Metropolitan, Kamrup, Nalbari, Darrang and Morrigaon, fully or partially, reported PTI.