A group of investigative journalists and opposition leader Rahul Gandhi backed the statement, reports Reuters.

The allegations come as a surprise, given that New Delhi and Washington have forged strong ties over the past two decades. Both governments have pledged to further strengthen their relationship despite occasional differences.

Gandhi's Congress party leveraged articles by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), which focused exclusively on the Adani Group and its alleged close ties to the government, to undermine Modi's reputation. The Adani Group was established in the 1980s as a commodities trading firm.

Last month, US authorities charged Adani Group chairman Gautam Adani and seven others with participating in a scheme to bribe Indian officials with $265 million. The group called these accusations "baseless."

OCCRP's articles also accused Indian state hackers of using Israeli-made Pegasus spyware to target government critics. The government previously denied both allegations.

The Bharatiya Janata Party has previously accused Gandhi, OCCRP, and 92-year-old billionaire financier and philanthropist George Soros of attacking Modi.

On Thursday, the BJP cited reports by French media claiming that OCCRP is funded by the US Agency for International Development and "other deep state figures" like Soros.

"The Deep State had a clear objective to destabilize India by targeting Prime Minister Modi. The US State Department has always been behind this agenda...OCCRP has served as a media tool for carrying out a deep state agenda," the BJP said in a series of posts on X.

US response

A State Department spokesperson stated that the US government supports journalists' professional development and capacity-building, but this "does not influence the editorial decisions or direction of these organizations."

"It's disappointing that the ruling party in India would make these kinds of accusations," the spokesperson said.

On Thursday, Sambit Patra, BJP's national spokesperson and a member of Parliament, reiterated the accusations during an official media briefing.

"A French investigative media group...has revealed that... 50% of OCCRP's funding comes directly from the US State Department. OCCRP has served as a media tool for carrying out a deep state agenda," Patra said.

Soros and the Congress Party did not immediately respond to Reuters' requests for comment. India’s Ministry of External Affairs also declined to comment on the ruling party’s accusations against the State Department.

In a statement, OCCRP described itself as an independent media organization that is unaffiliated with any political party.

"The US government, while providing some funding to OCCRP, has no say in our editorial processes and no control over our reporting," it said.

The Indian government has recently faced a crisis following US accusations against Gautam Adani, whom opposition leaders claim Modi has consistently protected. Last week, parliamentary sessions were repeatedly disrupted as opposition lawmakers demanded a debate on the matter.

The BJP, Modi, and Adani have all denied the allegations.

Strains in US-India relations

In late November, the Financial Times accused Gautam Adani, the chairman of the Adani Group, of running a years-long bribery scheme involving payments to Indian officials to secure favorable terms for solar energy contracts. The scheme allegedly generated over $2 billion in profits.

In October, US prosecutors accused an Indian official of plotting to murder a US-based Sikh separatist in New York. The case strained US-India relations.

Separately, according to Bild, India is reportedly obstructing Türkiye's bid to join BRICS.

Former deputy chief minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, who also served as the chief of the Shiromani Akali Dal party, began serving his punishment on Tuesday by wearing the plaque while in a wheelchair at the entrance of the revered Golden Temple in Amritsar.

The 62-year-old was punished by the Akal Takht – the highest temporal body of Sikhs – for allegedly favouring convicted self-styled 'godman' Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh in the 2007 sacrilege of Guru Granth Sahib – the holy religious scripture of Sikhism.

https://twitter.com/Shamindermahi16/status/1863841483641491604

Amritsar: A day after the Sikh clergy pronounced the 'tankhah' (religious punishment) for Sukhbir Singh Badal, the Shiromani Akali Dal leader on Tuesday performed the duty of a 'sewadar' or volunteer outside the Golden Temple here.

Holding a spear in one hand, Badal, in blue 'sewadar' uniform, was at the entrance of the Golden Temple in his wheelchair, serving his punishment. He has a fractured leg.

Akali leader Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa, who was also in a wheelchair because of his age, underwent the same punishment, while former Punjab ministers Bikram Singh Majithia and Daljit Singh Cheema washed utensils.

Small boards hung around the necks of Badal and Dhindsa, acknowledging their "misdeeds". Both leaders served as 'sewadar' for one hour.

Pronouncing the 'tankhah' (religious punishment) for Badal and other leaders for the "mistakes" committed by the Shiromani Akali Dal government in Punjab from 2007 to 2017, the Sikh clergy at the Akal Takht on Monday directed the senior Akali leader to serve as a 'sewadar', and wash dishes and clean shoes at the Golden Temple.

Akali leaders including Prem Singh Chandumajra, Daljit Singh Cheema, Surjit Singh Rakhra, Sohan Singh Thandal, Bibi Jagir Kaur, Mahesh Inder Singh Grewal and Balwinder Singh Bhundar cleaned washrooms of the Golden Temple.

The Sikh clergy had directed several Akali leaders including the rebel ones to clean washrooms at the Golden Temple from 12 noon to 1 pm, and then clean utensils at the community kitchen after taking a bath as a part of religious punishment.

Before the pronouncement of the edict, Sukhbir Badal admitted his mistakes, including pardoning Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh in a 2007 blasphemy case during the SAD's rule in Punjab.

The punishment came nearly three months after Sukhbir Badal was declared 'tankhaiya' (guilty of religious misconduct) by the Akal Takht.

Here's an overview of how players are selected during the IPL auction process and what to expect for 2025:

PLAYER REGISTRATION AND SHORTLISTING

Player Registration: Players (both domestic and international) interested in participating in the IPL register through their respective boards and agents.

Emerging talents from India register through the BCCI, while international players apply via their respective cricket boards.

Shortlisting: Franchises review the complete list of registered players and submit a shortlist of players they are interested in. This results in the final auction pool.

AUCTION DYNAMICS: KEY PHASES

Auction Pool and Categories: Players are divided into categories based on their roles (batsmen, bowlers, all-rounders, wicketkeepers) and set with a base price, ranging from Rs 20 lakh to Rs 2 crore. The base price helps franchises gauge starting bids.

Auction Order

Marquee Players: The auction typically begins with marquee players who are high-profile and expected to fetch top bids.

These include star Indian players, popular international players, and performers from the previous IPL or ICC tournaments.

Role-Based Groups: The rest of the auction is conducted in blocks, organized by roles like:

Batters

Bowlers (fast and spin)

All-rounders

Wicketkeepers

Uncapped Players: A separate round is held for uncapped players (players who haven't represented their national team). These include emerging domestic talents and breakout performers from domestic tournaments like the Syed Mushtaq Ali Trophy.

Accelerated Rounds: Toward the end of the auction, unsold players are reintroduced in quick succession. Teams often pick value players in these rounds.

BIDDING PROCESS

Starting the Bid: Each player enters the auction with a base price, and franchises bid in increments to secure the player.

Competitive Bidding: Intense bidding wars often happen for marquee players or those fitting a team's specific needs.

Unsold Players: Players who receive no bids in the initial round can be brought back into the accelerated rounds if teams show interest later.

TEAM COMPOSITION RULES

To ensure a balanced squad, teams must adhere to specific rules:

Squad Size:

Minimum: 18 players

Maximum: 25 players

Overseas Players: A maximum of 8 overseas players per squad.

Salary Cap: Teams must operate within a fixed budget.

Role Balance: Teams aim for a mix of specialists and all-rounders to adapt to the Impact Player Rule.

PRE-AUCTION RETENTIONS AND TRADES

Player Retentions: Before the auction, franchises are allowed to retain key players. This limits the number of available marquee players in the pool.

Player Trades: Teams can trade players with other franchises in the trading window before the auction.

Impact Player Rule Influence: Teams will focus on players offering flexibility (all-rounders, utility players).

Bowler-Heavy Strategies: Teams might prioritize death bowlers or spinners, given their impact in crucial stages.

Youth and Future Talent: Uncapped Indian players and emerging stars could attract significant attention.

High Demand for Multi-Faceted Players: All-rounders who can bowl economical overs and finish games will see intense bidding wars.

The IPL 2025 Auction will follow a structured yet dynamic format, with teams leveraging the latest trends and rules to build versatile squads.

Expect franchises to go all-out for flexible, impactful players who can adapt to mid-game changes-a key factor in the modern IPL.

On November 8, 2024, a seven-judge bench of the Supreme Court overruled the 1967 S. Azeez Basha vs Union of India case, which had held that Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) could not be considered a minority institution. The factual determination of the minority character of AMU has now been left to a smaller bench.

The AMU unit of the Fraternity Movement – the students’ wing of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind’s (JHI) political outfit Welfare Party of India (WFI), has released a curious statement entitled “AMU Will Remain a Muslim Institution”. It says:

"Aligarh Muslim University was/is a clear manifestation of Muslimness in India. It had an intrinsic history of being the holistic representation of the Muslim Community in the country. The establishment of this Institution was solely focused on enforcing Muslim Subjectivity and widening the scope of the Islamic Knowledge system for the people.

"Regardless of the colonial project to delimit the political horizons, Aligarh as a movement broke the frames that were instilled by orientalist time sense. The question of Muslimness in this particular juncture plays a very crucial role while the earlier legal challenges were orchestrated to curtail Muslimness in the historical formation of AMU."

What first catches the eye is the remark that “AMU Will Remain a Muslim Institution,” not a “minority” institution. The adjective “Muslim” is embedded in a chain of capitalized terms: “Muslimness,” “Muslim Community,” “Muslim Subjectivity,” and “Islamic Knowledge”.

The capitalization is meant to convey the resplendent importance that attaches to these words. This importance is characterized in a theological manner:

“We believe that the legal reasonings and argumentations on the minority status have a lacuna of articulating theological notions which should be taken forth by the futural fights bounding to this”.

In other words, the legal discourse of “minority” should be replaced by the capitalized, theological discourse of “Muslimness”.

The theological outlook of the Fraternity Movement isn’t surprising. Given its linkage with JIH, it is natural that it will borrow the religious vocabulary of the latter. According to JIH:

“Reducing religion to just a private matter is unwanted audacity. The position of Jamaat-e-Islami Hind is that this concept is not only antithetical to Islam but also would be quite oppressive for people of India, the vast majority of who believe in spiritual and religious values, to prohibit them from following the guidance offered by religion and impose irreligiousness on them instead.”

Here, we once again encounter the grandiloquent voice of the religious practitioner, who regards any breach of their theological domain as an exercise of “unwanted audacity”.

Religion is naturalized as a desirable good, whose possession has to be maintained at all costs. In fact, when Muslims are in a dominant position, Syed Jalaluddin Umri, former president of JIH, advised them to establish an "Islamic state" and be governed by the laws of Sharia.

But is religion really that desirable?

This question is not explored by self-assured theologians. This same sentiment of self-assuredness is to be found in the AMU Fraternity Movement’s declaration that there exists a unified and capitalized “Muslimness” requiring prioritization.

Does the issue of minority status really concern the ability of students to protect their “Muslim Subjectivity,” or “Islamic Knowledge”?

Put in more mundane terms, this would mean that the entire debate over AMU’s status pertains to the Muslim youth’s right to recite Quranic verses in the university premises. This seems more like the theologian’s dream, rather than a socially and economically disadvantaged student’s wish.

The Supreme Court’s judgment is correct in noting that what is primary in the determination of the minority character of an institution is not the “existence of a religious place for prayer and worship” or “the existence of religious symbols” but the objective of providing “benefit” to “a religious or linguistic minority community”. This means that “educational institutions could be established for minorities to provide secular education without imparting any lessons on religion”.

What the above demonstrates is that religious instruction or symbolism, which the Fraternity Movement fancily labels as “Muslim Subjectivity,” isn’t the core of a minority institution. AMU can benefit Indian Muslims without teaching theology. It is incumbent upon theologically minded entities to show why religious knowledge is a necessary part of empowerment.

Instead of regarding Indian Muslims as a theological category, one should follow BR Ambedkar in analyzing “religious affiliation” solely in terms of the “intense degree of social separation and discrimination” that it effects upon the minority groups.

What matters is not the doctrinal distinction between different religious groups but the actual “social discrimination” that marks their relationships. Insofar as Muslims in India are characterized by “social separation,” they are entitled to demand special measures from the government that can alleviate their oppression.

According to senior advocate Mihir Desai, since the founding of the Indian Republic, the Supreme Court has adopted a religion-centric criteria for determining the minority status, or otherwise, of an institution. The determination of the minority status of an institution should be based on whether it is being run for the benefit of the minority, and not whether it is established and administered by a minority. This concern with an institute’s identitarian origins rather than substantive policy dynamics has attached the question of minority status to the political principle of protecting cultural identity, to the exclusion of the social principle of backwardness related to issues of justice and equity.

The obsession with cultural identity leads to a regressive politics. Once an individual has their mind trained on the sanctity of “Muslimness,” it becomes difficult for them to comprehend the social inequalities that accrue due to this fixation. The JIH, for instance, declares:

“Homosexuality strikes at the very root of family and society. It is an immoral and unnatural act of perversion, which not only prevents procreation and progress of human race, but also destroys the family system and social relations”.

While reading this confident, clear-cut declaration, one can’t help but remember the case of Ramchandra Siras, a poet and Professor of Marathi Literature at AMU, who faced murderous persecution due to his homosexuality. On February 8, 2010, two individuals broke into Siras’ home and filmed him in bed with another man. Following this incident, Siras was suspended from his position for “gross misconduct”. However, the courts ruled against the university. Tragically, on April 8 of the same year, Siras died under mysterious circumstances at his residence, just a day before he received the official letter cancelling his suspension.

When it comes to women, the JIH thinks that “co-education should be abolished and proper education facilities meant for only women only should be available at all level of education.” While they are segregated from men, they should wear clothes that are “sober and dignified”.

Faced with reactions that this amounted to moral policing, Umri clarified that the organization merely wanted women to wear dresses that “cover the body”. The inane logic governing this argument isn’t hard to spot: since female flesh incites male lust, women should be caged in segregated spaces where their entire body is draped in the holiness of modesty.

Faithfully following the patriarchal script, JIH never questions why men get aroused so easily that they start raping women. All the responsibility is placed on the female victim. Given the hierarchical attitudes that religious consciousness leads to, the AMU Fraternity Movement needs to consider if it really wants to pigeonhole the issue of minority status into the rusty confines of theology.

New Delhi: The Supreme Court of India Tuesday Nov 5, 2024 set aside the Allahabad High Court verdict calling the Uttar Pradesh Madarsa Board unconstitutional.

In a ruling on March 22, 2024, the the Allahabad High Court had declared the Uttar Pradesh Board of Madarsa Education Act, 2004, 'unconstitutional'.

The Supreme Court of India however in its latest judgement has set aside the Allahabad High Court order.

A Bench of Chief Justice of India (CJI) DY Chandrachud with Justices JB Pardiwala and Manoj Misra said that a law can be struck down for violation of fundamental rights under part III of the Constitution or on grounds of legislative competence but not for violation of basic structure.

"Statute can be struck down only for violation of part III or legislative competence and not for violating basic structure. The High Court erred in holding that statute had to struck down for violating basic structure," the Supreme Court said.

It also held that the object of the Act is to protect the rights of minorities which is in tune with the State's positive obligation.

"The legislative scheme for the Act is to standardise level of education being prescribed in the madrasas. The Madarsa Act does not interfere with the day to day working of the madrasas. It is to protect the rights of minority in the State of Uttar Pradesh and is consistent with positive obligation of the State which ensures the students to pass out and earn a decent living," the Court held.

However, the Court set aside provisions of the Act which empowers the Madarsa Board to prescribe course of instructions and text books for higher education - kamil (postgraduate course) and fazil (junior research programme).

The Court held that the same would be in violation of the University Grants Commission Act (UGC Act).

"Victory for Justice"

Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind has hailed the SC order, calling it a "victory for justice" and a "much-needed light at the end of the tunnel" for the Indian Muslim community.

Jamia President Maulana Mahmood Madani commenting on the SC ruling said that this goes beyond addressing the technical status of the Madrasa Board.

"The ruling serves as a critical response to ongoing "negative campaigns" against madrasas by certain communal forces", he said.

According to a rough estimate, Uttar Pradesh has about 25,000 Madaris spread across its length and breadth. Around 16,500 of them are registered with the UP Madrasa Board.

Reliance on Madrasa education is often blamed for the backwardness of the community. But the truth is that many Muslim children go to Madaris out of compulsion. If it were not for these Madaris run by religious charities, these children would never get any 'education'.

Same applies to non-Muslim students. As India, including Uttar Pradesh, fails to provide schools to children living in remote areas, they have no option but to get themselves enrolled in these Madaris.

Interestingly, a number of Hindus after graduating from Madaris are also working in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries on lucrative posts.

Unlike the popular myth, the Madaris are not providing religious education alone. In fact, the Uttar Pradesh cabinet headed by Yogi Adityanath had in 2008 accepted State Madrasa Board's proposal to teach English and Hindi languages besides Urdu in the Islamic institutions.

The cabinet also approved the proposal of following NCERT syllabus and books in the Madaris.

Whether it's a deep red silk Banarasi saree adorned with gleaming golden zari or a statement dupatta elevating a simple kurta set, a Banarasi creation can instantly make you look festive-ready with its regal appeal.

In recent years, Banarasi has made a return to menswear in a plethora of ways – kurtas, safas, shawls, bandhgalas, and sherwanis. Contrary to the common misconception, Banarasi was not limited to women's wardrobes. During the Mughal era, when the Banarasi weave rose to prominence, emperors wore garments crafted using this exquisite traditional technique.

Banarasi goes bolder

Now, Banarasi is undergoing another makeover, this time through a wave of Westernisation. Think of Banarasi in modish silhouettes like corsets, tops, pantsuits, and even short dresses.

 

Models in modern Banarasi skirts designed by Monisha Jaising.

"Banarasi has long been celebrated for sarees, dupattas, and kurta sets, but today's shift towards modern silhouettes is making it a global statement," says Khushi Shah, creative director of the label Shanti Banaras. The label, known for its authentic Banarasi handloom creations, is all set to venture into contemporary designs that appeal to a diverse, international clientele with their upcoming collection.

esigner Aditi Gupta, whose creations are available at Carma Ambawatta, believes that this shift is more about innovation than Westernisation, and the younger generation is to be credited for this refreshing version of the Banarasi technique.

"Today's shoppers, especially the younger generation, are looking for pieces that blend heritage with functionality. They want garments that make a statement but also reflect their individuality and contemporary style. As a result, we're seeing more demand for unique interpretations of Banarasi in experimental silhouettes, whether for festive wear or everyday luxury," Gupta tells India Today.

Fresh off the runway

While the Banarasi techniques remain rooted in age-old traditions in these new designer creations, the silhouette is reimagined with a contemporary touch. This modernisation trend was also evident at Lakme Fashion Week 2024, with an array of designers giving the traditional textile a fresh face.

Take, for instance, designer Monisha Jaising's collection, which featured a range of Banarasi high-slit and asymmetrical skirts paired with dazzling blouses. Riddhima Kapoor Sahni, who turned showstopper for the designer, also walked the ramp in a strapless Banarasi gown. Moreover, the designer herself appeared in a sleeveless Banarasi crop top for the final bow.

 

Monisha Jaising (left) with Riddhima Kapoor Sahni at Lakme Fashion Week 2024.

Delhi-based designer Amit Aggarwal, known for his innovative creations, has also championed the modern makeover of Banarasi. His new collection, called The Banarasi Edit, is all about upcycling Banarasi textiles with modern interpretations of traditional draping styles.

Several celebrities, like Priyanka Chopra, Kriti Sanon, and Saba Azad, gave this trend a thumbs up at the inauguration of the Nita Mukesh Ambani Cultural Centre in Mumbai last year. They rocked various versions of Banarasi gowns at the fashion extravaganza.

 

Priyanka Chopra, Kriti Sanon and Saba Azad in modern Banarasi sarees at NMACC fashion gala.

And this trend is all set to soar further this year as more designers continue playing with Banarasi to create ensembles beyond the usual sarees and lehengas. Gaurika Rai of the textile label Warp n Weft unveiled a new collection in collaboration with House of Asra, celebrating modern women of traditional India with Banarasi mini dresses, maxi dresses, and corsets.

 

A striking blazer vest from Ekaya Banaras X 431-88 collection crafted from handwoven Banarasi silk.

"Naturally, people are always eager for something new, and it's time to introduce a fresh fashion statement that redefines traditional spaces—one that upholds the authenticity of exquisite Banarasi textiles while embracing a modern allure. Launching a Western-inspired collection caters to those seeking more than the classic saree, suit, lehenga, gharara, or floor-length skirt for special occasions," says Gaurika Rai, CEO, Warp 'n Weft.

 

Banarasi dresses from Warp 'n Weft X House of Asra collection.

Banarasi jumpsuits, trousers, and pantsuits are further adding the allure of Banarasi weaves to everyday wear. Simply wear a crisp white shirt with Banarasi brocade pants and pair it with basic heels—you can effortlessly take this look to work.

 

Banarasi brocade sets from GG by Asha Gautam (left and right), and Tarun Tahiliani (centre)

"These new silhouettes enhance the versatility of Banarasi textiles and open doors for international markets. By doing so, the Banaras weaving cluster also gains new opportunities to grow and thrive. When approached with respect for the craftsmanship and original weaving techniques, these designs can bridge generations, celebrating heritage while evolving to meet modern tastes," adds Nishant Malhotra, CEO and founder, WeaverStory.

Though the timeless appeal of Banarasi sarees and lehengas is untouchable, if modern elegance is what defines your style, you should certainly consider adding a Banarasi modern touch to your wardrobe this wedding season.

Seizing on Oza's claims, AAP leader and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal tweeted, "If it is true, it reveals real face of BJP-Modi-Shah".

Amidst the backdrop of these developments, a crucial meeting is scheduled in Delhi on July 27th. This meeting aims to address the ongoing unrest within the state's political and administrative framework. Here are ten key points outlining the current situation in UP:

1. Maurya’s Strategic Meetings

Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya has intensified political speculations by meeting with significant allies, including Om Prakash Rajbhar, the President of the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party, and Sanjay Nishad, the President of the Nishad Party. These meetings are seen as strategic moves, potentially indicating shifts in political alliances.

2. Absence in Yogi’s Meeting

On July 22, 2024, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath held a meeting in Azamgarh, notably missing was Om Prakash Rajbhar. Instead, Rajbhar met with Maurya in Lucknow, further fueling political speculation. Their meeting, which lasted for hours, went viral on social media, showing the deepening political discussions between them.

3. Meeting with Sanjay Nishad

Maurya’s recent interaction with Sanjay Nishad has added to the political intrigue. The meeting lasted for about half an hour, sparking various interpretations regarding its significance. Additionally, Maurya has also met with Dara Singh Chauhan, further hinting at possible political re-alignments.

4. Emerging Fissures Post-Lok Sabha Results

Internal rifts within the UP BJP have become apparent since the Lok Sabha election results. Maurya’s absence from cabinet meetings since June 4 and his frequent visits to Delhi to meet top leaders suggest underlying tensions with Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath.

5. Transfers Amid Turmoil

The Yogi government has executed significant transfers of bureaucrats amid the political turbulence. On Wednesday, a dozen PCS officers were transferred, indicating an administrative shake-up aimed at consolidating control and ensuring effective governance.

6. Key Bureaucratic Reassignments

Notable reassignments include Siddharth being appointed as the new ADM FR of Kanpur, Manglesh Dubey as ADM Administration of Noida, and Vimal Kishore Gupta as ADM Judicial of Meerut. Such reassignments are seen as efforts to streamline administrative functions amidst political uncertainties.

7. IAS Officers Transferred

Alongside PCS officers, three IAS officers were also transferred. Prerna Singh was appointed as ACEO of Greater Noida, Sudhir Kumar as Municipal Commissioner of Kanpur, and Deeksha Jain as CDO of Kanpur Nagar. These changes reflect the government's attempt to stabilize the administrative framework.

8. Previous Transfers

Just two days prior, on Monday, three other IAS officers were transferred. Manoj Kumar was appointed as Additional Commissioner of Bareilly Division, Shailesh Kumar was given additional charge as RFC, and Dr. Akhilesh Kumar Mishra was made Joint Election Commissioner in Lucknow. These continuous transfers highlight ongoing administrative adjustments.

9. Upcoming Meeting on 27th July

The internal conflicts within UP BJP have prompted a high-level meeting in Delhi on July 27th, following the Governing Council meeting of NITI Aayog. This meeting, expected to be attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other central leaders, aims to address the political unrest in UP.

10. Potential Organizational Changes

Speculations are rife about possible organizational changes within the UP BJP. The party’s top leadership, including BJP President JP Nadda and Home Minister Amit Shah, is likely to meet with UP's top leaders, including Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, to discuss strategies to resolve internal conflicts and enhance party cohesion.

Context of the Meeting

Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath's meeting in Delhi is significant, occurring just days before the monsoon session of the state legislature begins on July 29. Discussions are expected to focus on addressing the dissatisfaction within the government and among party workers, aiming to ensure unity and effective governance.

The farmer leaders may request Gandhi to introduce a private member bill addressing their long-standing demands, newswire ANI reported citing sources.

Leaders from the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (Non-Political) and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha on Monday announced their intentions to burn effigies of the Modi government nationwide and initiate a fresh protest demanding the legalisation of the minimum support price (MSP) guarantee.

This protest will include a "long march" in support of private bills proposed by the opposition. This announcement was made during a press conference in Delhi.

Furthermore, the protesting farmers will conduct a tractor rally across the nation on August 15, coinciding with Independence Day. They also plan to burn copies of the new criminal laws.

During the press conference, leaders from the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (Non-Political) and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha also mentioned that the farmers' 'Delhi Chalo' march will reach its 200-day mark on August 31, and urged people to gather at Khanauri, Shambhu, and other locations on the Punjab and Haryana border.

They also announced that both organizations will hold a mega rally in Sambhal district, Uttar Pradesh, on September 1. Additional rallies are scheduled in Jind district, Haryana, on September 15, 2024, and in Pipli on September 22, 2024.

Back in February, the second wave of the farmers' protest began to demand a legal guarantee of MSP for crops, but the farmers were stopped at the Haryana borders for several days as the state government set up barricades on the Ambala-New Delhi National Highway in response to farmers' unions announcing a march to Delhi.